The Jack Rabin Collection on Alabama Civil Rights and Southern Activists

 

Series I: Alabama Civil Rights Movement

 

Sub-series 4: Selma-to-Montgomery March

 

Appendix I.4B: Transcript of the reconstructed, amalgamated version of audiotapes 5 through 8

 

 

Location:          In front of the Alabama State Capitol, Montgomery, Alabama

 

Speakers:         Ralph Abernathy, master of ceremonies, alternating with the unidentified first speaker, T. Y. Rogers, Fred Shuttlesworth, James Bevel, Ralph Bunche, Jim Forman, Amelia Boynton, Jim [?Hicks], John Lewis, Whitney Young, Don Slayman, Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King, Hosea Williams, and Edmond Clark.

 

Date:                March 25, 1965

 

Repository:       University Libraries, The Pennsylvania State University, Special

Collections Department, Historical Collections and Labor Archives

 

Transcriber:      Barry Kernfeld

 

Item number:    Audiotape #05/06/07/08E, parts 1 and 2.

 

Transcriber’s note: This transcription is incomplete, owing to the poor audio quality in some segments. The gaps are particularly substantial for portions of Shuttlesworth’s speech, which is badly distorted, and portions of Park’s speech, during which her soft-spoken voice is difficult to hear.

 

 

Unidentified speaker [beginning in mid-sentence]: . . . again. All of us together make up this great nation, which we and they love, and which we and they have died to defend. This is a new house, and we are a new people. Difficult days may lie ahead, my friends, but none like the days of the dark yesterday. No advice can anticipate every development we may meet down the road, but I invite you to use with me a favorite guise of inspiration that I have held through the years from the book of Leviticus, the twenty-sixth chapter and the thirteenth verse, and I quote: “I am the Lord your God which brought you out of the land of Egypt that ye should not be their bond men, and I have broken the bands of your yoke and made you go upright. May God bless you as you go henceforth upright bond men [?] to no man.” Thank you [Applause].

 

Abernathy: We’re now friends with the leaders of the state of Alabama. [?] the [?] that I want to speak to the press now. I want to address these remarks to the men of the television and to the men of radio and to the men of newspapers and magazines and journals and other periodicals.

 

Well, the segregationists have given you a pretty rough time also. You have made their view this day with us, all the way from Selma, and you have reported the facts. And I want you to know – I serve notice on you today – that I don’t want anything but the facts today. I have employed a special person to give you an estimate and a count of the people that are here today (I hear you now). Now, you can’t see them, because you all can [?]. And the count is that we have here today more than 50,000 [Cheering and applause]. Now you believe me, and you go ahead and [?]. Thank you very kindly.

 

Now we are back to the leaders of the state of Alabama. That magnificent leader from Tuscaloosa, where the University of Alabama is located, the Reverend T. Y. Rogers [Cheering and applause].

 

Rev. T. Y. Rogers: To my leader, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., to my fellow freedom fighters from all over the world, to my daughter, who stood in the door of the [?] at the University of Alabama. Tuscaloosa, Alabama, is in Montgomery today. We are here to stand [?] of the Alabama State Capitol [Cheering and applause]. We are here today because we are not satisfied in Tuscaloosa. We want the governor of our state to know, there are black folk in Alabama who are tired of the grip of oppression [?] our necks. We want the governor of our state to know the police brutality, even in Tuscaloosa, is not what he says. We want the governor of our state to know, we have not abandoned the struggles of our forefathers. We shall walk not only from Selma to Montgomery, but from every village in the state of Alabama to this state’s capitol, until every black man has thrown off the shackles of segregation and discrimination [Cheering and applause].

 

Abernathy: There is a man here today who met a Bull (Go on) on the streets of Birmingham, Alabama (I hear you now), and he had an encounter with him. And when he got through, he had changed this man from a Bull into a steer [Laughter and applause]. I present to you now that great champion of human rights, Fred Lee Shuttlesworth [Cheering and applause].

 

Fred Shuttlesworth: Thank you, Dr. Abernathy, our leader Dr. King, distinguished guests from everywhere. God bless you. It’s good to be here. I just have one or two things to say. One of them is I’m a little sorrowful that I’m not supposed to talk to the Capitol. I think the spot where Jeff Davis stood is up there. And that’s where I was yesterday. I bet Dr. King will want to take that spot next time. Going to save that until the next [?] [Laughter and applause]. It wouldn’t bother me.

 

And then the next thing that’s been bothering me is – I don’t know whether LBJ [?] regularly, but I don’t an American flag flying on the State Capitol building [cheering]. I – I believe that this is about the only State Capitol that does not fly an American flag. I see – I see the Alabama flag. I salute that, because I’m an Alabamian. But that other thing they got hung up there, they ought to put that thing to rest, [?] [Cheering and applause] we gonna do that. [?]

 

We have – we have come here today, we are preparing a [?] and [?] of abuse and misuse, of violent intimidation, of horrible and acts perpetrated [?] society [?] . [?] men, women, and children seeking to be free, while keeping dishonest men in office. A society which allows [?] and tear gas, does not legitimate [?] . But we’re here just the same. And I  [?] [Cheering].

 

You see [?] Bull’s in Birmingham. He’s down here, but he didn’t get a chance to [?], because he sure was a bull. Now LBJ [?] in Vermont [?] all of a sudden let them march [Cheering and applause].

 

And I – I believe – I want to [?] non-violent movement, a non-violent, because you have to be nice, even to him, and I have to say something good. And I believe Governor Wallace [?]. You know what I think George is thinking this time? My [?] [Cheering and applause].

 

You know I’m [?] for little miracles in Birmingham, Alabama. And Birmingham is a magic city that [?] on the one hand and willful neglect of the Negro citizens on the other. [?] as it used to be, when Bull was in [ ? ? ]

 

[ ? ? ]

 

But now, since we have [?], we got a mayor that’s not quite a bull, but he’s a crying mayor, and he thinks that you can substitute tears for the [ ? ? ]

 

[ ?.? ]

 

[ ? ? ]

 

[ ? ? ]

 

The voter registration policy [?] now, it seems to me [ ? ? ] with a California lawyer [ ? ? ] criminal offense, for instance that you have had a few lawyers convict you of – you’re a convict, and you had too many [?] offenses when demonstrations was going on. You [?] didn’t qualify. In other words, if you’ve been around a day or two [?], you can’t have [?]. Still too many [?]. You did not pass. No reason why.

 

[?] of our women when [?]. How long have you been married, and how old is your first child? In other words, be sure you ain’t pregnant when you got married. And if by chance you [?], be sure to [?].

 

You see this is still taxation without representation. And we think people ought to vote. I am not responsible for what my mother did, or what -- how she did, what she did before I got here. I am a citizen, and all persons, the Constitution says, born or naturalized, are citizens of these United States. And those things [ ? ? ] glad to be here today. Make it short now. [?] join with Dr. King, Abernathy, and all these greats from all over the country, and [?] these great Negro [ ? ? ] . I’m glad to be here. [?] be here today, and if you don’t [?], we will be back [Cheering and applause].

 

Now, in 1964 we had a [?] campaign slogan: “All the way with LBJ.” I think it’s time for us to keep on working until LBJ comes all the way with us here in Alabama [Applause]. We don’t want just a [?] to get us to the Capitol. But we want to get inside the Capitol. We going to get inside this beautiful office building [?] the entire Negro campaign [ ? ? ] We want [?] now, and we’re not going to be satisfied until we get it [Cheering and applause].

           

Abernathy: Thank you, Dr. Shuttlesworth. And now we will have the response of the movement by that great tactician, that great [?], that great non-violent leader who came out of the wilderness of Mississippi to the swamp of Alabama, Reverend James Bevel [Cheering and applause].

 

James Bevel: Thank you very much. I’m mighty tired. We walked all the way from Selma, and we’ve been on the site over there for eight weeks before we started walking. Now we need to talk about, what do we do once we get off the march? It’s a great thing to celebrate. A Negro is grateful to celebrate. We celebrate everything. But we don’t want to get riled up celebrating something that has never happened yet.

 

Now we came here to tell Mr. Wallace a few things, and to tell the nation some things, and to tell ourselves some things. In the state of Alabama, there is [?] black citizens, and yet no citizens serve in any responsible positions in any place in the state government. That’s an indictment on the intelligence of the leaders of Alabama. [?] that man must participate in the government. If the right to participate in government was good for George Washington back in 1775, it must be good for Negro people in 1965 [Applause].

 

In most of the counties, except one county, Negroes are not serving in any elected capacity in all of the [?] in the state of Alabama. And in most of the [?] counties, Negroes are not serving in any elected capacity. They have [?] all political participation. We are here to tell Mr. Wallace and Mr. Johnson, we know that the state government, the federal government is a party in disfranchising Negro people. And we are not going to tolerate being disfranchised without a voice in government when we’re [?]. And we want the authorities to understand that, that all the Negroes of Alabama [?] and [?], and not only must we [?] people in Selma for [?], but we must march in every county in Alabama (Yeah) until every Negro is registered in Alabama [Applause].

 

Now Mr. Wallace thinks we’re going home. He says it’s all over. But we want him to understand that if we come back – and we plan to come back. We’re going to plan to go on after two hours. Mr. Wallace has been criticized as part of the whole political system that is still disfranchising Negro people, and that system must be broken. [?] in Birmingham, Alabama, and four little girls was killed in a church there. And they were killed not by rabble-rousers, but they were killed by the local government, because they would be responsible Negro students. Jimmy Lee Jackson was not killed by a night rider other than George Wallace. And most of the [?] perpetrated against the Negro people in Alabama is perpetrated by the state governments of Alabama [Applause], state, county, and city. And the only way we can correct that is not by cursing out Wallace, but by being participants in government, by elected officials who will [?] government [?].

 

We can’t do that by making fine remarks and fine statements. We have to do that by in fact [?] are counted, making sure our movement is on the road. We have thousands of Negroes that must be put on the books. We have thousands of Negroes who aren’t aware that a voting movement is going on in Alabama. We have thousands of people who don’t even know about the march on Montgomery. We have a lot of work to do. We have a lot of work to do back in the counties, and we plan to be back into the counties, marching Negroes by the thousands [?] in other countries.

 

And if Mr. Wallace does not plan to come down [?], we will be back to see Mr. Wallace. And I don’t think he going to come back, because in nineteen-hundred and fifty-four, the Supreme Court delivered a [?] that school segregation was [?] immoral, and Mr. Wallace and Alabama have not complied yet. And I suspect Mr. Wallace can get ready for September, because we plan to march on schools in September in Alabama [Cheering and applause].

 

And I suspect that there’s going to be a lot more demonstrations in Alabama, until the Negro people can fully participate in the government. And I want you to know, I’m not interested in standing out here in the rain. I’m interested in being a state senator from Alabama. I’m not interested in protesting on the steps [?] . Together we have seats inside there. We have 34 of the senator’s seats in this Capitol belong to Negro people of Alabama [Cheering and applause], and we want those seats. We’re going to keep on moving and demonstrating until we get our seats in that Capitol. We don’t want the steps. We want the Capitol [Applause].

 

Abernathy: Thank you, Reverend Bevel. The eyes of the world are upon us and upon Alabama. Let us hear now from a man who can tell us how it looks: the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, champion of human rights, Undersecretary of the United Nations, Dr. Ralph Bunche.

 

Ralph Bunche: Fellow Americans, courageous Americans, Americans who have the guts to take a stand on the greatest moral issue in the history of this nation. Not too much I can say, except, by God, we’re here. And little more need be said, because no words could ever hope to be as eloquent as this magnificent, historic march itself has been. It has been made possible by the superlative leadership of Dr. King and his able associates. [?] Dr. King’s [?], I said to him that this must be his greatest triumph in the light of all of the obstacles that he had to overcome, and he admitted that it was.

 

Incidentally I should say to you what you must already know: he’s not only a great leader. Dr. King [?] clairvoyant. In fact he walks with a certain ease, with a sort of slinging stride, real cool like, and I got the impression that [?] from the Lord, but I’m pretty sure the [?].

 

Governor Wallace and some others in these parts denounced many of us who are here, and that includes me, as being outsiders, meddlers, and I stoutly deny this. I am here – I wish Governor Wallace to know – because I belong here [Applause]. I am here, because I’m an American, an American with a conscience, with a sense of justice and decency, and with a deep concern for all Americans and [?] all over this country. My conscience and my mind tell me that this is where I must be. I came here to identify, to identify with a just cause of the right of every Negro in Alabama not to have Governor Wallace say [?] a vote would disqualify, which is I think one of the most [?sadistic] statements that have ever been made, but any Negro who earnestly wishes to vote, must vote, must have that right. And the – and the President himself has said, every American should identify with that cause.

 

I say to Governor Wallace, no American can ever be an outsider anywhere in this nation [Applause]. And Governor, all of these people are here. All of these people who have come in this great [?] rights are very great Americans. Black and white, they are the greatest Americans. Why? Because they seek to bring unity, to bring maximum strength to this country, to the end that the United State of America may become as it can become, white and black together, the greatest society not of contemporary times, but in the whole history of mankind.

 

Unless the Governor has forgotten – and when I look up on top of the Capitol building, it appears that he [?] have forgotten –  Alabama lost its attempt to leave this Union [Cheering and applause]. That flag should have been down a hundred years ago [Cheering]. And when they [?], in fact I feel a little traitorous to my country in standing here under the shadow of that flag [Applause].

 

If Governor Wallace or anyone else doubted that [?] Southern [?] have been forever lost because of the Confederacy and the inhuman, un-American to keep Negro citizens depressed and oppressed, all doubts about that had to be dissipated this morning when we marched through Confederate squares [?] centennial, singing “We Shall Overcome.”

 

Now, what are we – what we are doing here is an all-American attack on all-American problems. And in the United Nations, we have known from the beginning that secure foundations for peace in the world can be built only upon the principles and practices of equal rights and equal status for all people, respect and dignity for all men wherever they are, whatever their color or race or religion or culture. The world is [?] with us in this struggle, in this cause, of that you may be assured.

 

And when I went back to New York last Monday and encountered delegates to the United Nations individually and in meetings, everywhere the ritual was the same. First and foremost, they wanted to know every detail about what was going on down here, and this took precedence over all U.N. business.

 

But on conclusion, may I say that it was unfortunate in my view that this non-violent, principled march had to be protected by the federal government, but since that was the case, since the government of this state was in default, then it was an expression of the firm determination of the national government to protect the human rights of all its citizens that just led to the federalization of the Alabama National Guard and the protection [?].

 

But I would like to give one, just one word of advice to my national government if they ever have to undertake this sort of responsibility again. The next time, when they federalize a state national guard, I hope they will make sure that members of that guard are not wearing Confederate flags on their jackets [Cheering and applause].

 

But there’s a great old song, saying, “There’ll be some changes made.” [?] today in this [?] group, testifies that [?] some changes have been made in Alabama and testifies that a whole lot more changes, important and radical changes, are going to be made, and very quickly.

 

I – I approve every one of you for [?] your presence here, the finest in the American tradition. You [?], the modern-day version of minutemen, minutemen of the American conscience. You have witnessed a great new chapter in the heroic history of American freedom. Thank you [Applause].

 

Abernathy: Thank you, Dr. Bunche. And now I must insist that all of our speakers will cut their remarks. Please cut them in half. And I present now the executive secretary of the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee, Mr. Jim Forman [Cheering and applause]. Mr. Forman will take one minute to make a presentation.

 

Jim Forman: I’m going to keep it less than a minute. All I want to say basically is that in 1901 the state government of Alabama became an undemocratic and totalitarian government. One of the ways it’s maintained that is to keep a police force. I just want to address my remarks to the policemen stationed right here in Montgomery, for today there are some 65 students who are in jail, who’ve been on a hunger strike since last Thursday. About 75 of those – I mean 75 more students who were on a hunger strike got out yesterday, [?] managed to physically unable to continue the hunger strike. And so as we [?] today, and as we make [?], let us not forget those people, and let us also remember that two weeks ago yesterday, some 350 students from Tuskegee, Alabama, and Alabama State [cheering], [?] until 1:30 in the morning with their bodies, waiting to present a petition to the Governor of this state, and he refused to see them. Less than one week ago, the same men who are standing up there on that State Capitol – well, some of them, anyway – rode horses and beat down people from Booker T. Washington and Alabama State and Tuskegee, because they were trying to maintain that totalitarian government in the state of Alabama, and you do that through the police force. So that question of police brutality is something that this nation must address itself, and I feel content that there is one man in the United States, notwithstanding all [?], who must address himself to that problem, and that is the President of the United States. Thank you [Applause].

 

Abernathy: We will now have Mrs. Amelia Boynton read to you a petition. Mrs. Boynton from Selma, Alabama [Applause].

 

Amelia Boynton: Petition: To the Honorable George D. Wallace, agent of God, citizen of the United States, and Governor of the state of Alabama. We, as citizens of Alabama, citizens from many states [?], and [?] citizens of [?] foreign countries, come praying [?] a blessing of God upon you and [?], many responsibilities that are yours to discharge.

 

We come petitioning you to join us in spirit and in truth [?] an American movement toward the Great Society, a nation of justice where none shall feed upon the weakness of others; a nation of humility, where greed [?] and poverty shall be done away; a nation of brotherhood, where respect is founded upon service and honor given for nobleness alone.

 

We have come to represent the Negro citizens of Alabama as freedom-loving people from all over the United States and the world. We have come not only six – five days and 60 miles, but we have come from three centuries of [?troubling] and hardship. We have come to you, the Governor of Alabama, to declare that we must have our freedom now. We must have the right to vote. We must have equal protection under law, an end to bru – police brutality.

 

When the course of human events so denies citizens of that na – of this nation and of the right to vote, a right to adequate education, an opportunity to gain sufficient income, and when Negro [?] and poverty, our people must turn to the rights provided by [?] Constitution of the United States. We must appeal to the [?] government with the only peaceful and non-violent resource at our command: our physical parr – appearance and the moral color of our souls. Thus we present our bodies with this petition as living testimony to the fact that we are deliberately denied the right to vote and constantly abused and brutalized by so-called “law officers” in this state.

 

We are here, because for almost 100 years now our constitutionality, guaranteed right to vote has been abridged. We are here because state troopers killed Jimmy Lee Jackson, because the psychotic climate of this state produced the man who probably attacked and killed the Reverend James Reeb.

 

We call upon you, Governor Wallace, to declare your faith in the American creed, to declare your belief in the ways of the Declaration of Independence, that all men are created equal. We call upon you to establish democracy in Alabama, by taking the steps necessary to assure the registration of every citizen of voting age and of sound [?], by ending the poll tax in the state election, by opening the registration [?] at times when they are convenient to working people, such as night and Saturdays, by encouraging the cooperation of [?] officials in the democratic process, and by appointment of Negro citizens to the [?] and [?] of the state in policy-making positions [Applause].

 

We call upon you to put an end to police brutality and to assure the protection of the [?] and [?] citizens alike. We call upon you to work to end the climate of violence and hatred which persists in this state, by denouncing all who would use violence in the propagation of their fears, and by avoiding the perpetration of racism through official statements and political addresses [Applause].

 

Abernathy: Can you hear me? I want to know, because now I want to hear you. Do you approve of this petition? (Yes). Do you approve that this will be the only petition that we will now send to Governor Wallace? (Yes). Those who favor, say “Aye” (Aye).’ The opposed [?] “Nay” [No response]. The ayes have it, and the motion is carried [Applause].

 

Dr. Martin Luther King, our leader, has appointed the following persons to go and present this petition to the governor of the great sovereign state of Alabama with instructions that this petition comes from Dr. King. It comes from you. It comes from the poor Negroes of the black belt and Negroes all over the state of Alabama.

The following persons are to compose the committee as appointed by Dr. King: the Reverend Joseph Echols Lowery, vice president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference of Birmingham, Alabama, the chairman [Applause]; the Reverend Fred Reese, Selma, Alabama; Dr. Cashen of [?Muncie], Alabama; Attorney Fred D. Drake, of Montgomery, Alabama; Dr. A. G. Gaston of Birmingham, Alabama; Reverend T. Y. Rogers, Tuscaloosa, Alabama [Applause]; Bishop E. P. Murchison of Birmingham, Alabama; Dr. Gomillion of Tuskegee [Cheering and applause], Alabama; and Dr. Foster, the president of Tuskegee Institute [Cheering and applause]. Mr. Albert Turner of Marion, Alabama [Cheering]; the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth of Birmingham, Alabama [Applause]; the Reverend Joseph L. Winger, a white Lutheran minister of Birmingham, Alabama [Cheering and applause]; Mrs. A. P. Boynton of Selma, Alabama [Applause]; Attorney Orzell Billingsley, Birmingham, Alabama; Mr. Rufus Lewis, Montgomery, Alabama [Applause]; and Mr. Dick Trennon of the University of Alabama, a white student [Applause]; and the Reverend Jesse Douglas of Montgomery, Alabama.

 

If you approve of this committee, say “Aye” (Aye). The committee is now instructed to meet for final instructions in the auditorium of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, just one block away, here in the shadow of the Capitol, with our leader, Dr. King, after the benediction has been pronounced.

 

We will now return to our national leaders. Mr. James Farmer could not be here today because of illness, but we do want Mr. Jim [?Hicks ?Dix] to tell us whether CORE is behind the movement of freedom. Mr. [?Hicks].

 

Jim [?Hicks]: I want to send greetings from Jim Farmer. I want to tell you that there are a lot of CORE people [?-ized] from all over the country, from as far away as the West Coast. As for myself, some of you know I have a little souvenir from Alabama: 53 stitches in my head, which I got on the Freedom Rides. But at least I’m alive, whereas my friend Bill Moore is dead. And it is appropriate today to talk about Bill Moore, because he is perhaps the first man to attempt a freedom walk across the highways of Alabama, and he was killed in the attempt. That was a postman who decided to personally cross Alabama and Mississippi two years ago and deliver a letter to Ross Barnett, appealing to his conscience. But Bill never reached Jackson, because he was shot down about 20 miles east of Gadsden.

 

As the CORE and SNCC members who tried to follow to complete his walk were met by [?] state troopers and their cattle prods, [?] were promptly arrested. Now I came down here at that time to give a memorial service for Bill Moore at that point on the roadside where he was murdered. And I said at that time that I hoped that I would see the day in the not-too-distant future when it would be possible to conduct a freedom walk across the highways of Alabama. That day has come, and all that I regret is that Bill Moore is not alive to see it and to be with us today on this great freedom walk [Applause].

 

Abernathy: I am delighted to present to you now one of the finest young men I have had the privilege of knowing in my life. Like myself, he is a product of Alabama. He comes to the spotlight and has assumed leadership in this nation from just 50 miles away, down in Troy, Alabama. Let us hear the leader of the courageous students of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, Mr. John Lewis [Cheering and applause].

 

John Lewis: My fellow freedom fighters, as Ralph said, as a native of Troy, Alabama, just 50 miles from here, I’m happy to be able to stand here and share this great moment in history with men like Martin Luther King and the other great men in this great march and struggle for freedom.

 

This is the greatest and perhaps the most significant demonstration in the history of the civil rights movement. Just a few weeks ago, Governor Wallace said there would be no march from Selma to Montgomery. He used his troops to beat us down [?] with sticks, clubs, tear gas, and horses. But you, the freedom-loving people from the [?] Alabama, [?] our constitutional right to march. [?] preparing to march, and you did [?].

 

The President of the United States, Lyndon Baines Johnson, made it clear to the American people, and he also made it crystal clear to George D. Wallace, that the state of Alabama is still a part of the Union [Applause].

 

Need a doctor?

 

Unidentified voice: O.k.

 

Lewis: We, the Negro people of Alabama, have [?] but we all [?] dehumanized by the vicious system of [?] segregation and [?] . [?] over and over again in a [?] Alabama, in Marion and Selma. And today we stand here as a living witness to the fact that you want to be free, and you want to be free here and now.

 

[?] the President of the United States [?] by referring to your demands that we [?] based on one man, one vote. [?] . And all the Negro people of Alabama and Mississippi have [?] be able to register and vote [Applause].

 

I know [?]. [?] beaten, arrested, and jailed, simply because you want to be free. Some of you [?] , [?] cooked the food, and nursed the babies, or nothing at all. But we are saying to the state of Alabama today – we’re saying to Governor Wallace, that we are tired of being [?] . We are [?] in the state of Alabama, and we [?] . And we want [?] right here and now [Applause].

 

We’re in a system. Deny the people the right to vote. It is not asking just for a battle, but it is demanding a war. And we are involved in a non-violent war. We are involved in a non-violent revolution. We don’t have guns. We don’t have missiles. We don’t have tear gas. The only thing we have is our bodies, our tired feet. The same feet that brought us from Selma to Montgomery in our weary bodies, will take us to victory right here in the state of Alabama, right in the heart of the Black Belt [Applause].

 

As we leave this march today, we look for [?] to [?]. Go down to the county courthouse and attempt to register and vote like you did in Selma, in Marion, and also in [?] County. The state of Alabama, and the Negro people of this state, will never be the same, for we will make a new [?], not just for this state and in this nation.

 

And our struggle is a struggle for freedom and liberation. It matters not whether it’s in Selma, Alabama, or in Greenwood, Mississippi, or in Angola or Mozambique, Johannesburg, South Africa, the struggle is one and the same. It is a struggle for freedom and human [?] [Applause].

 

I think you’ll [?]. I think of all the people across this country [?] . [?] we’ll try. We’ll try [?] until they [?]. Too many people have been beaten. Too many people have been shot and even killed. We’ve had enough of that. We [?] our patience, but now is the time for all of us to make some [?] decisions [Applause].

 

Abernathy: Mr. Whitney Young, the director of the National Urban League, will bring us greetings at this time. Let us listen now to the scholarly civil rights leader that has done so much for our nation and for our people, Mr. Whitney Young.’

 

Whitney Young: Reverend Abernathy, friends of freedom. One question has been asked me repeatedly by reporters today. Is this march better or more significant than the August ’63 march? [?] the answer yes or no. They are different types of marches. This march shows our ability to move from the general grievances which we expressed so magnificently in Washington, D.C., to the specific situation, in this nation, the right to peacefully demonstrate and petition for the right to vote. It also shows our ability to mobilize not just in Washington, D.C., and to mobilize a united wave, but it shows our ability to mobilize anywhere in this United States where human beings are denied their basic rights. And make no mistake about it, this we will do. I would like to ask the citizens, the white citizens of Alabama, a question. I would like to ask the white citizens of Alabama: How long? How long can you continue to afford the [?] of a political system and public officials who by their rigidity and their vote for racism have today been responsible for bringing in federally controlled troops, who today and even more so tomorrow will cost this state millions of dollars of federal funds for programs of education, health, welfare, agriculture, highways, what have you? Who have discouraged dozens of industries from coming into the state and providing jobs for millions of both black and white Alabamans. How long, how long, will you continue, white Alabamans, to be the victims of this self-defeating farce? I say you cannot afford this fight, for as sure as we have the old and ancient decaying flag flying behind you; for as sure as we have here courageous people gathered, for as sure as we have an absent Governor who has not the guts to be here and [?] his [?], I say [Cheering and applause] – I say to white [?] Alabamans, that as sure as these things are true, you cannot keep the Negro a third-class citizen, without you being second class.

 

Finally, let me ask you three quick questions. People have said, “Why are we here?” “Why this march?” [?] this march is to give a new courage to the silent white citizens of state of Alabama, who for too long have allowed the worst and the most ignorant elements of their population to speak for them [Applause]. Secondly, we are here to give renewed courage and hope to Negro Alabamans, that they walk not alone. You are [?] , where other people are undeterred. You are part of America. We are part of you.

 

Now this march will be meaningful only if you march with the same enthusiasm asked of the leadership of the President of the United States [?] the voting bill. Will you march to the polls and vote? (Yes). Will you [?]. Since the National Urban League has engaged in the last two or three weeks in bringing quality programs, programs of retraining and education, into this state, we have had meetings in Birmingham with the leaders from all over the state. Now when will someone come here [?] the public officials are not stupid enough to veto [?] . If when they come, will you march your children to the libraries? (Yes). Will you march yourselves to adult education centers and the retraining centers? (Yes). Will you march and continue to march as a part of the great leadership of Dr. Martin Luther King? (Yes). Thank you.

 

Abernathy: It is my pleasure now to present to you the director of the civil rights department of AFL-CIO, Mr. Don Slayman. Give him a big hand.

 

Don Slayman: Reverend Abernathy, Dr. King, Vice President Asa Randolph, Roy Wilkins, John Lewis, Whitney Young, citizens of Alabama and the United States. I’m very proud to be here today, representing the American labor movement, and I want to briefly repeat what George Meaney, president of the American Federation of Labor – Congress of Industrial Organization, said this morning in Washington to the Senate Judiciary Committee.

 

The position of the A.F.of L.-C.I.O. is that every possible means must be used to achieve the maximum possible registration in voting in the United States, so that in every election, every adult citizen will have the opportunity to go to the polling place and have his vote counted. We reject out of hand the concept that there can be any first- or second-class citizenship in the United States. In our country, there can be only one class, citizen, the highest, most meaningful title in a democracy. We consider the achievement of full citizenship rights for every American to be the major unfinished business of this country. All of us who sat in our homes and watched television after the vicious attacks on peaceful demonstrators in the streets of Selma, Alabama, on the seventh of March, are eyewitness to the fact that elected officials and sworn servants of the law have added brutality and violence to their earlier transparently fraudu – fraudulent use of qualifications as methods of denying Negroes the right to register and vote. The American labor movement, in concert with every American who has a decent regard for his fellow man, says to you that the time for action is now. The record has been made. Your cause is just. The way is clear. The AFL-CIO urges that the bill before the Congress of the United States be broadened. We think its remedies should be available in any situation, whether it’s widespread abridgement of the right to vote in violation of the Constitution, whether that declaration is affected by the fountain pen or the night stick or the night riders. This must be done. We feel confident it will be done. And when every citizen has the right to vote, we will be able to get them decent housing, decent schools, decent jobs, and the end of poverty in all parts of this country. The right to vote, the right to use that vote in electing intelligent and liberal representatives, is the key to these fundamental and vital needs of the whole American people. I thank you [Applause].

 

Abernathy: Please forgive me. You can understand, after having made the journey from Selma here, that I am a little tired. And after having been served with papers just before I began the march this morning, it appears that we are being sued for $100,000 by the city of Selma and about $10,000 by the bus company in Selma. You can understand why I might be a little frustrated. I forgot three names that I should have read on the committee, and will you please add their names to the list? The Reverend McLain [?spelling], the pastor of the old [?] AME Zion Church of Montgomery, Alabama. The Reverend Nelson Smith of Birmingham, Alabama, and attorney [?Keter Hall] of Birmingham, Alabama. This is a committee of 20 persons who will meet in the church upstairs for final instructions from our leader, Dr. King.

 

A gentleman from California has the [?] for Mrs. Coreen Watts. Please bring it to the speaker’s stand after the program. [?] Mrs. Watts came – and make Mrs. Watts come to the speaker’s stand.

 

Will the drivers of all of the charter or [?] buses begin moving quietly now to your buses. I want everybody here to keep your positions, if you are seated, or if you are standing, until the benediction is pronounced. This is a non-violent assembly. We came together, and we will leave together.

 

Someone has just passed to me a wallet which was found. If you can identify it, I will be happy to give it to you.

 

This march is very costly. Whenever you come up against the state where your tax money and my tax money is being used to keep you down, then we must give liberally if we are to get up. Please, if you have a contribution to give at the close of the service, do not take it back home, but give it to me, for I am the treasurer of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, or to some of my associates. When you get back home, make your checks to SCLC and mail them to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference at 374 Auburn Avenue, Atlanta, Georgia. Or you may send them to the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee at 8 Raymond Street Northwest in Atlanta, Georgia. Either way, the movement will get it.

 

I have just one other introduction, and that is the first lady of the movement, who in nineteen-hundred and fifty-five on December the Third would not get up when everybody else was getting up, and give her seat to a white man. Come here Mrs. Rosa Parks [Applause]. The first lady of the movement, Mrs. Rosa Parks. Raise your hands. [Applause].

 

Rosa Parks: Reverend Abernathy, and all of the distinguished leaders of this nation, and all of you wonderful freedom fighters, my brothers and sisters, and my children [ ? ? ]: you see before you now a victim of [? ? ] being perpetrated [ ? ? ]. At a very small town I had to hide from the Ku Klux Klan to keep from getting killed. [? ] I wasn’t killed. My family was deprived of the land that they owned and driven off of after they worked and paid for it. I did not have a [ ? ? ] , and I am handicapped in every way. But I am [?] to be a third-class citizen. I [?]. I have struggled hard. Through my early days [?] I would always be thankful to NAACP for giving me some [ ? ? ] my activities for a better way of life.

 

I’m also very thankful for Dr. Martin Luther King, who came to Montgomery with his non-violent Christian attitude [ ? ? ] last two days in Selma actually I almost lost the faith, and I almost didn’t come here today, because the [?] told me not to come here [? ] that I could not come here, seeing what had happened in Selma [ ? ? ]. However I came here [ ? ? ] today.

 

Also I want to say that [ ? ? ] someone who was given – gathered leaflets about the [ ? ? ]. That particular [ ? ? ] but I was, and that [?] my apologies to [ ? ? ] white person [ ? ? ] I learned at that time and that place that there are decent people of every color. [ ? ? ] the wrong and right – right and wrong. Thank you [Applause]. [ ? ? ] time for [? ] Dr. King [ ? ? ] [Applause].

 

?King: Thank you.

 

Abernathy: Someone has suggested that we [?], but there’s not [?]. Someone has suggested that I acknowledge the presence of the people who are here from London and the people from Canada and other foreign countries. I’m not going to do that. Someone has suggested that I acknowledge the presence of so many outstanding dignitaries. I will not do that. I will only ask one to stand and represent the whole group: the great novelist, the great writer, Mr. James Baldwin [Applause].

 

?Baldwin: Thank you.

 

Abernathy: In lieu of [?] I’ll ask, what do you want? (Freedom). I can’t hear you. What do you want? (Freedom). What do you want? (Freedom). When do you want it? (Now). How much do you want? (All). Aw, shucks now [Laughter].

 

God never leaves His people without a leader (Yes, sir). When they were down in Egyptland, He caught up with a man who had fled and hid himself safely behind the hills and the mountains and was secure in the land of [?]. God sent him back to lead the people.

 

One day when he sat him on top of the mountain and summoned him from [? ], he called Joshua and said, “Lead my people across the Jordan.”

 

Even when Shadrack, Meshack, and Abednego were in the fiery furnace, and two of them wanted to give up, there was one in the group who said, “Brothers, we [?].” There was a leader in the crowd.

 

Turn the pages of history, and you will find that God always has a leader. And our leader today is loved by millions, but he is hated by thousands. But the main fact is that he’s our leader, and we love him (Yes). He’s been [?], and he’s [?]. He’s been [?]. He’s been beaten. He’s been bruised. He’s been stabbed. He’s been burned. He’s been jailed. He’s been sued. But he still stands up today, saying to every pharaoh, “Let my people go” (That’s right) [Applause].

 

God called on him the other day, and said to him, “Martin Luther, I conceived you at the right time in history, when there was [?]. Nineteen-hundred and twenty-nine, January 15th, you were born, but in the beginning I gave you the right name. I named you King. And then, I added to it later, Martin Luther. You stood up to so many pharaohs, but now, I want you to go to Montgomery, the heart of Egypt, and tell the pharaoh Wallace [Cheering], to let my people go” [Cheering and applause]. I want to present to you now the greatest leader of this generation, the greatest leader of the twentieth century, my closest and abiding friend, Martin Luther King [Cheering and applause], who will give us the [?].

 

Martin Luther King: [MLK Papers Project Speeches website, http://www.stanford.edu/group/King/publications/. Select “inventory,” “1965,” and then the 8-page transcript of 3/25/65.]

My dear and abiding friends, Ralph Abernathy, and to all of the distinguished Americans seated here on the rostrum, my friends and co-workers of the state of Alabama, and to all of the freedom-loving people who have assembled here this afternoon from all over our nation and from all over the world: Last Sunday, more than eight thousand of us started on a mighty walk from Selma, Alabama. We have walked through desolate valleys and across the trying hills. We have walked on meandering highways and rested our bodies on rocky byways. Some of our faces are burned from the outpourings of the sweltering sun. Some have literally slept in the mud. We have been drenched by the rains. [Audience:] (Speak) Our bodies are tired and our feet are somewhat sore.

But today as I stand before you and think back over that great march, I can say, as Sister Pollard said—a seventy-year-old Negro woman who lived in this community during the bus boycott—and one day, she was asked while walking if she didn’t want to ride. And when she answered, "No," the person said, "Well, aren’t you tired?" And with her ungrammatical profundity, she said, "My feets is tired, but my soul is rested." (Yes, sir. All right) And in a real sense this afternoon, we can say that our feet are tired, (Yes, sir) but our souls are rested.

They told us we wouldn’t get here. And there were those who said that we would get here only over their dead bodies, (Well. Yes, sir. Talk) but all the world today knows that we are here and we are standing before the forces of power in the state of Alabama saying, "We ain’t goin’ let nobody turn us around." (Yes, sir. Speak) [Applause]

Now it is not an accident that one of the great marches of American history should terminate in Montgomery, Alabama. (Yes, sir) Just ten years ago, in this very city, a new philosophy was born of the Negro struggle. Montgomery was the first city in the South in which the entire Negro community united and squarely faced its age-old oppressors. (Yes, sir. Well) Out of this struggle, more than bus [de]segregation was won; a new idea, more powerful than guns or clubs was born. Negroes took it and carried it across the South in epic battles (Yes, sir. Speak) that electrified the nation (Well) and the world.

Yet, strangely, the climactic conflicts always were fought and won on Alabama soil. After Montgomery’s, heroic confrontations loomed up in Mississippi, Arkansas, Georgia, and elsewhere. But not until the colossus of segregation was challenged in Birmingham did the conscience of America begin to bleed. White America was profoundly aroused by Birmingham because it witnessed the whole community of Negroes facing terror and brutality with majestic scorn and heroic courage. And from the wells of this democratic spirit, the nation finally forced Congress (Well) to write legislation (Yes, sir) in the hope that it would eradicate the stain of Birmingham. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 gave Negroes some part of their rightful dignity, (Speak, sir) but without the vote it was dignity without strength. (Yes, sir)

Once more the method of nonviolent resistance (Yes) was unsheathed from its scabbard, and once again an entire community was mobilized to confront the adversary. (Yes, sir) And again the brutality of a dying order shrieks across the land. Yet, Selma, Alabama, became a shining moment in the conscience of man. If the worst in American life lurked in its dark streets, the best of American instincts arose passionately from across the nation to overcome it. (Yes, sir. Speak) There never was a moment in American history (Yes, sir) more honorable and more inspiring than the pilgrimage of clergymen and laymen of every race and faith pouring into Selma to face danger (Yes) at the side of its embattled Negroes.

The confrontation of good and evil compressed in the tiny community of Selma (Speak, speak) generated the massive power (Yes, sir. Yes, sir) to turn the whole nation to a new course. A president born in the South (Well) had the sensitivity to feel the will of the country, (Speak, sir) and in an address that will live in history as one of the most passionate pleas for human rights ever made by a president of our nation, he pledged the might of the federal government to cast off the centuries-old blight. President Johnson rightly praised the courage of the Negro for awakening the conscience of the nation. (Yes, sir)

On our part we must pay our profound respects to the white Americans who cherish their democratic traditions over the ugly customs and privileges of generations and come forth boldly to join hands with us. (Yes, sir) From Montgomery to Birmingham, (Yes, sir) from Birmingham to Selma, (Yes, sir) from Selma back to Montgomery, (Yes) a trail wound in a circle long and often bloody, yet it has become a highway up from darkness. (Yes, sir) Alabama has tried to nurture and defend evil, but evil is choking to death in the dusty roads and streets of this state. (Yes, sir. Speak, sir) So I stand before you this afternoon (Speak, sir. Well) with the conviction that segregation is on its deathbed in Alabama, and the only thing uncertain about it is how costly the segregationists and Wallace will make the funeral. (Go ahead. Yes, sir) [Applause]

Our whole campaign in Alabama has been centered around the right to vote. In focusing the attention of the nation and the world today on the flagrant denial of the right to vote, we are exposing the very origin, the root cause, of racial segregation in the Southland. Racial segregation as a way of life did not come about as a natural result of hatred between the races immediately after the Civil War. There were no laws segregating the races then. And as the noted historian, C. Vann Woodward, in his book, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, clearly points out, the segregation of the races was really a political stratagem employed by the emerging Bourbon interests in the South to keep the southern masses divided and southern labor the cheapest in the land. You see, it was a simple thing to keep the poor white masses working for near-starvation wages in the years that followed the Civil War. Why, if the poor white plantation or mill worker became dissatisfied with his low wages, the plantation or mill owner would merely threaten to fire him and hire former Negro slaves and pay him even less. Thus, the southern wage level was kept almost unbearably low.

Toward the end of the Reconstruction era, something very significant happened. (Listen to him) That is what was known as the Populist Movement. (Speak, sir) The leaders of this movement began awakening the poor white masses (Yes, sir) and the former Negro slaves to the fact that they were being fleeced by the emerging Bourbon interests. Not only that, but they began uniting the Negro and white masses (Yeah) into a voting bloc that threatened to drive the Bourbon interests from the command posts of political power in the South.

To meet this threat, the southern aristocracy began immediately to engineer this development of a segregated society. (Right) I want you to follow me through here because this is very important to see the roots of racism and the denial of the right to vote. Through their control of mass media, they revised the doctrine of white supremacy. They saturated the thinking of the poor white masses with it, (Yes) thus clouding their minds to the real issue involved in the Populist Movement. They then directed the placement on the books of the South of laws that made it a crime for Negroes and whites to come together as equals at any level. (Yes, sir) And that did it. That crippled and eventually destroyed the Populist Movement of the nineteenth century.

If it may be said of the slavery era that the white man took the world and gave the Negro Jesus, then it may be said of the Reconstruction era that the southern aristocracy took the world and gave the poor white man Jim Crow. (Yes, sir) He gave him Jim Crow. (Uh huh) And when his wrinkled stomach cried out for the food that his empty pockets could not provide, (Yes, sir) he ate Jim Crow, a psychological bird that told him that no matter how bad off he was, at least he was a white man, better than the black man. (Right sir) And he ate Jim Crow. (Uh huh) And when his undernourished children cried out for the necessities that his low wages could not provide, he showed them the Jim Crow signs on the buses and in the stores, on the streets and in the public buildings. (Yes, sir) And his children, too, learned to feed upon Jim Crow, (Speak) their last outpost of psychological oblivion. (Yes, sir)

Thus, the threat of the free exercise of the ballot by the Negro and the white masses alike (Uh huh) resulted in the establishment of a segregated society. They segregated southern money from the poor whites; they segregated southern mores from the rich whites; (Yes, sir) they segregated southern churches from Christianity (Yes, sir); they segregated southern minds from honest thinking; (Yes, sir) and they segregated the Negro from everything. (Yes, sir) That’s what happened when the Negro and white masses of the South threatened to unite and build a great society: a society of justice where none would pray upon the weakness of others; a society of plenty where greed and poverty would be done away; a society of brotherhood where every man would respect the dignity and worth of human personality. (Yes, sir)

We’ve come a long way since that travesty of justice was perpetrated upon the American mind. James Weldon Johnson put it eloquently. He said:

We have come over a way

That with tears hath been watered. (Yes, sir)

We have come treading our paths

Through the blood of the slaughtered. (Yes, sir)

Out of the gloomy past, (Yes, sir)

Till now we stand at last

Where the white gleam

Of our bright star is cast. (Speak, sir)

Today I want to tell the city of Selma, (Tell them, Doctor) today I want to say to the state of Alabama, (Yes, sir) today I want to say to the people of America and the nations of the world, that we are not about to turn around. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. (Yes, sir)

Yes, we are on the move and no wave of racism can stop us. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. The burning of our churches will not deter us. (Yes, sir) The bombing of our homes will not dissuade us. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) The beating and killing of our clergymen and young people will not divert us. We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) The wanton release of their known murderers would not discourage us. We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) Like an idea whose time has come, (Yes, sir) not even the marching of mighty armies can halt us. (Yes, sir) We are moving to the land of freedom. (Yes, sir)

Let us therefore continue our triumphant march (Uh huh) to the realization of the American dream. (Yes, sir) Let us march on segregated housing (Yes, sir) until every ghetto or social and economic depression dissolves, and Negroes and whites live side by side in decent, safe, and sanitary housing. (Yes, sir) Let us march on segregated schools (Let us march, Tell it) until every vestige of segregated and inferior education becomes a thing of the past, and Negroes and whites study side-by-side in the socially-healing context of the classroom.

Let us march on poverty (Let us march) until no American parent has to skip a meal so that their children may eat. (Yes, sir) March on poverty (Let us march) until no starved man walks the streets of our cities and towns (Yes, sir) in search of jobs that do not exist. (Yes, sir) Let us march on poverty (Let us march) until wrinkled stomachs in Mississippi are filled, (That's right) and the idle industries of Appalachia are realized and revitalized, and broken lives in sweltering ghettos are mended and remolded.

Let us march on ballot boxes, (Let’s march) march on ballot boxes until race-baiters disappear from the political arena.

Let us march on ballot boxes until the salient misdeeds of bloodthirsty mobs (Yes, sir) will be transformed into the calculated good deeds of orderly citizens. (Speak, Doctor)

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march) until the Wallaces of our nation tremble away in silence.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march) until we send to our city councils (Yes, sir), state legislatures, (Yes, sir) and the United States Congress, (Yes, sir) men who will not fear to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with thy God.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march. March) until brotherhood becomes more than a meaningless word in an opening prayer, but the order of the day on every legislative agenda.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Yes) until all over Alabama God’s children will be able to walk the earth in decency and honor.

There is nothing wrong with marching in this sense. (Yes, sir) The Bible tells us that the mighty men of Joshua merely walked about the walled city of Jericho (Yes) and the barriers to freedom came tumbling down. (Yes, sir) I like that old Negro spiritual, (Yes, sir) "Joshua Fit the Battle of Jericho." In its simple, yet colorful, depiction (Yes, sir) of that great moment in biblical history, it tells us that:

Joshua fit the battle of Jericho, (Tell it)

Joshua fit the battle of Jericho, (Yes, sir)

And the walls come tumbling down. (Yes, sir. Tell it)

Up to the walls of Jericho they marched, spear in hand. (Yes, sir)

"Go blow them ramhorns," Joshua cried,

"‘Cause the battle am in my hand." (Yes, sir)

These words I have given you just as they were given us by the unknown, long-dead, dark-skinned originator. (Yes, sir) Some now long-gone black bard bequeathed to posterity these words in ungrammatical form, (Yes, sir) yet with emphatic pertinence for all of us today. (Uh huh)

The battle is in our hands. And we can answer with creative nonviolence the call to higher ground to which the new directions of our struggle summons us. (Yes, sir) The road ahead is not altogether a smooth one. (No) There are no broad highways that lead us easily and inevitably to quick solutions. But we must keep going.

In the glow of the lamplight on my desk a few nights ago, I gazed again upon the wondrous sign of our times, full of hope and promise of the future. (Uh huh) And I smiled to see in the newspaper photographs of many a decade ago, the faces so bright, so solemn, of our valiant heroes, the people of Montgomery. To this list may be added the names of all those (Yes) who have fought and, yes, died in the nonviolent army of our day: Medgar Evers, (Speak) three civil rights workers in Mississippi last summer, (Uh huh) William Moore, as has already been mentioned, (Yes, sir) the Reverend James Reeb, (Yes, sir) Jimmy Lee Jackson, (Yes, sir) and four little girls in the church of God in Birmingham on Sunday morning. (Yes, sir) But in spite of this, we must go on and be sure that they did not die in vain. (Yes, sir) The pattern of their feet as they walked through Jim Crow barriers in the great stride toward freedom is the thunder of the marching men of Joshua, (Yes, sir) and the world rocks beneath their tread. (Yes, sir)

My people, my people, listen. (Yes, sir) The battle is in our hands. (Yes, sir) The battle is in our hands in Mississippi and Alabama and all over the United States. (Yes, sir) I know there is a cry today in Alabama, (Uh huh) we see it in numerous editorials: "When will Martin Luther King, SCLC, SNCC, and all of these civil rights agitators and all of the white clergymen and labor leaders and students and others get out of our community and let Alabama return to normalcy?"

But I have a message that I would like to leave with Alabama this evening. (Tell it) That is exactly what we don’t want, and we will not allow it to happen, (Yes, sir) for we know that it was normalcy in Marion (Yes, sir) that led to the brutal murder of Jimmy Lee Jackson. (Speak) It was normalcy in Birmingham (Yes) that led to the murder on Sunday morning of four beautiful, unoffending, innocent girls. It was normalcy on Highway 80 (Yes, sir) that led state troopers to use tear gas and horses and billy clubs against unarmed human beings who were simply marching for justice. (Speak, sir) It was normalcy by a cafe in Selma, Alabama, that led to the brutal beating of Reverend James Reeb.

It is normalcy all over our country (Yes, sir) which leaves the Negro perishing on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of vast ocean of material prosperity. It is normalcy all over Alabama (Yeah) that prevents the Negro from becoming a registered voter. (Yes) No, we will not allow Alabama (Go ahead) to return to normalcy. [Applause]

The only normalcy that we will settle for (Yes, sir) is the normalcy that recognizes the dignity and worth of all of God’s children. The only normalcy that we will settle for is the normalcy that allows judgment to run down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. (Yes, sir) The only normalcy that we will settle for is the normalcy of brotherhood, the normalcy of true peace, the normalcy of justice.

And so as we go away this afternoon, let us go away more than ever before committed to this struggle and committed to nonviolence. I must admit to you that there are still some difficult days ahead. We are still in for a season of suffering in many of the black belt counties of Alabama, many areas of Mississippi, many areas of Louisiana. I must admit to you that there are still jail cells waiting for us, and dark and difficult moments. But if we will go on with the faith that nonviolence and its power can transform dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows, we will be able to change all of these conditions.

And so I plead with you this afternoon as we go ahead: remain committed to nonviolence. Our aim must never be to defeat or humiliate the white man, but to win his friendship and understanding. We must come to see that the end we seek is a society at peace with itself, a society that can live with its conscience. And that will be a day not of the white man, not of the black man. That will be the day of man as man. (Yes)

I know you are asking today, "How long will it take?" (Speak, sir) Somebody’s asking, "How long will prejudice blind the visions of men, darken their understanding, and drive bright-eyed wisdom from her sacred throne?" Somebody’s asking, "When will wounded justice, lying prostrate on the streets of Selma and Birmingham and communities all over the South, be lifted from this dust of shame to reign supreme among the children of men?" Somebody’s asking, "When will the radiant star of hope be plunged against the nocturnal bosom of this lonely night, (Speak, speak, speak) plucked from weary souls with chains of fear and the manacles of death? How long will justice be crucified, (Speak) and truth bear it?" (Yes, sir)

I come to say to you this afternoon, however difficult the moment, (Yes, sir) however frustrating the hour, it will not be long, (No sir) because "truth crushed to earth will rise again." (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (Yes, sir) because "no lie can live forever." (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (All right. How long) because "you shall reap what you sow." (Yes, sir)

How long? (How long?) Not long: (Not long)

Truth forever on the scaffold, (Speak)

Wrong forever on the throne, (Yes, sir)

Yet that scaffold sways the future, (Yes, sir)

And, behind the dim unknown,

Standeth God within the shadow,

Keeping watch above his own.

How long? Not long, because the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice. (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (Not long) because:

Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord; (Yes, sir)

He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored; (Yes)

He has loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword; (Yes, sir)

His truth is marching on. (Yes, sir)

He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat; (Speak, sir)

He is sifting out the hearts of men before His judgment seat. (That’s right)

O, be swift, my soul, to answer Him! Be jubilant my feet!

Our God is marching on. (Yeah)

Glory, hallelujah! (Yes, sir) Glory, hallelujah! (All right)

Glory, hallelujah! Glory, hallelujah!

His truth is marching on. [Applause]

 © The Estate of Martin Luther King, Jr.

 

Abernathy: Who is our leader? (Dr. King). Who is our leader? (Dr. King). Who is our leader? (Dr. King). Who is our leader? (Dr. King). God bless you.

 

My friends, let us keep our positions now. Let us keep our positions now. We have just one or two things which we must say to you. Number one: the father of Dr. Martin Luther King is here today, Dr. Martin Luther King, Sr., and we do want dad to stand and wave at the group [Applause]. God bless you. There is one other person I want you to see today, and I know of no other woman in America who has suffered more than she has for freedom other than Mrs. Martin Luther King, and that is my wife, Mrs. Juanita Abernathy [Applause]. Mrs. Abernathy, will you please stand? [Applause]. Mrs. Abernathy is not a speaker very much, but she can kiss me. God bless you.

 

Now my friends, I don’t – I don’t conduct meetings like this. I don’t know who gave the orders for this stage to move or for anybody to move. I don’t care who they’re carrying off. I want – I want – I want everything – I want – I want – I want everything -- leave the microphones for just now, and listen. Everybody from Tuskegee are asked to please meet at the front near the rostrum at the close of the benediction. We all [?] the invocation, and we must all listen to the benediction, and we shall all sing together, We Shall Overcome. Mr. Hosea Williams has some important announcements concerning our movement, which he must make to us at this time.

 

Hosea Williams: My friends . . .

 

Abernathy: Let us listen.

 

Williams: My friends, we – because of the number of automobiles and buses and trucks and trains [?] involved – soon as we disperse, we’re asking all the persons—all the persons—because of your title or position that is associated with the logistics committee, to meet with me down in Dexter Street Baptist Church.

 

Now in dispersing, we hope that this can be done very orderly. This is the truest moment of challenge. [ ? ? ]. Those that came in on chartered buses – those that came in on chartered buses – will take the first street down to my right. You are facing me, that’s the first street down to your left. We’ll take the first street down to my right, go down one block, and turn right. The buses are parked just behind the Capitol on the [?]. You are requesting transportation to the airport. We’re asking you to remain – we’re asking you to remain where you’re standing. You are requesting transportation to the depot, down to the train station. [?] transportation for you, also, on the [?]. So if you would go down one block and to the right, one block again and turn right to [?], you’ll find transportation for those again on chartered buses, those that are leaving by train. Those of you people that are going to the airport, we ask you to remain where you are.

 

We’re going to ask one last special favor – one last special favor. This march has exemplified the dignity of non-violence and of this non-violent revolution. This dignity now will be displayed according to how the people of Montgomery County and surrounding counties respond to this request. If you are from Montgomery County or [?] some surrounding county and have your own transportation, we are asking you to make way and to leave these grounds as quick but as quietly and as peaceful as possible. This will give us space and an opportunity to work with those that are requesting transportation or any [?]. We know you want to see your friends. You want to shake Dr. King’s hand. Some of you might want to even see me. But we’re asking you – if you’re from Montgomery County or any surrounding county and have your own transportation – we’re asking you to leave the grounds as quick as possible. I mean that after the benediction, as quietly and peaceful as possible. If you do this, my friends, this march will end exemplifying the dignity of the revolution. Thanks.

 

Abernathy: Now, my friends, all persons who came on Alderman Shu’s plane from Chicago, just stay right here at the altar.

 

Little Cynthia Brown, age 7, will you please come to the – to the rostrum. Your mama is here waiting for you. If you see Cynthia, please send her here, because I know my children are here, and I don’t want them to get lost, either.

 

We are going to sing now, “We Shall Overcome.” And following the singing of “We Shall Overcome,” Dr. Edmond Clark, the executive secretary of the American Baptist Convention, who is the official representative of the National Council of Churches here today, will pronounce the benediction. Let us now stop in our tracks, and let us join our hands.

 

Unidentified voice: We’ve got a few others in the corner down here, [ ? ? ].

 

Abernathy: The three other people who marched, stay where you are. We have transportation for you back to Selma. “We Shall Overcome.”

 

Mass singing, led by Abernathy: We shall overcome. We shall overcome. We shall overcome some day. For deep in my heart, I do believe. We shall overcome some day.

 

Abernathy: God is on our side.

 

Mass singing, led by Abernathy: God is on our side. God is on our side. God is on our side today. For deep in my heart, I do believe. We shall overcome some day.

 

Abernathy: Black and white together.

 

Mass singing, led by Abernathy: Black and white together. Black and white together. Black and white together now. For deep in my heart, I do believe. We shall overcome some day.

 

Abernathy: We are not afraid.

 

Mass singing, led by Abernathy: We are not afraid. We are not afraid. We are not afraid today. For deep in my heart, I do believe. We shall overcome some day.

 

Abernathy: We shall overcome.

 

Mass singing, led by Abernathy: We shall overcome. We shall overcome. We shall overcome some day. For deep in my heart, I do believe. We shall overcome some day.

 

Edmond Clark [accompanied by mass humming of the melody of “We Shall Overcome”]: And now may the Lord bless and keep us. May the Lord cause His [?] to shine upon us and be gracious unto us. May the Lord lift up the [?] of his [?] upon us and give us peace both now and forever more. Amen.

 

Mass singing, led by Abernathy: Deep in my heart, I do believe. We shall overcome some day.

 

Abernathy: Let us go back home and arrange a mass meeting when we will come – Dr. King and I will come and make a report to you, from the Governor. Arrange a mass meeting, and wait to hear from Governor Wallace. Let us leave singing, “We Shall Overcome.” We shall . . .

 

Mass singing [fading into the distance and overlaid by crowd noises and voices from the rostrum]: . . . overcome. We shall overcome. We shall overcome some day. For deep in my heart, I do believe. We shall overcome some day.

 

Recording operator: At 4:12 most of the crowd started leaving. It seems to be breaking up.

 

Abernathy: Instructions will be given to delegations from Tuskegee in a few moments by the leader of the delegation.

 

Diverse unidentified voices [largely inaudible]

 

Recording operator: That will run out [ ? ? ]

.

Abernathy: The bus to the airport – just stay here and we’ll – we’ll –we’ll give you the information in a little while.

 

Diverse unidentified voices [largely inaudible]

 

[tape ends]